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The Sudanese commander known as Hemedti, once earned his living dealing in livestock and precious metals. Currently, his RSF militia dominate around 50% of the Sudanese territory.

Consolidating Control in Darfur

The RSF recently achieved a significant victory by overrunning the city of el-Fasher, which was the final army garrison in the western region.

Hated and dreaded by his enemies, Hemedti is revered by his loyalists for his tenacity and his vow to dismantle the corrupt state.

Humble Beginnings

His background is humble. He hails from the Mahariya clan of the camel-herding Rizeigat community, an Arab group that spans the Chad-Sudan border region.

Born around 1974, like many from rural areas, his date and place of birth were not officially registered.

Guided by his uncle Juma Dagolo, his clan moved to Darfur in the 1970s and 80s, fleeing conflict and in search of greener pastures.

Initial Ventures

Dropping out of education in his adolescence, Hemedti started making money by trading camels across the desert to neighboring countries.

At that time, Darfur was Sudan's wild west—poor, neglected by the government of then-President Bashir.

Arab militiamen known as the Janjawid attacked villages of the indigenous Fur, triggering a full-scale rebellion in 2003.

Ascendancy Amid Conflict

In response, Bashir greatly enlarged the Janjaweed to lead his counter-insurgency campaign. They quickly gained notoriety for burning, looting, and killing.

Hemedti's force was part of this, accused in attacking the village of Adwah in November 2004, killing 126 people, among them dozens of minors.

A US investigation concluded that the Janjaweed were responsible for genocide.

Strategic Maneuvering

After the peak of violence in 2004, Hemedti skillfully navigated his rise to become head of a powerful paramilitary force, a corporate empire, and a political machine.

He briefly mutinied, requesting unpaid salaries for his fighters, promotions, and a political position for his sibling. Bashir acceded to most of his demands.

Later, when rival militias mutinied, Hemedti led loyalist troops that crushed them, gaining control Darfur's largest artisanal gold mine at Jabel Amir.

Rapidly, his business venture Al-Gunaid became Sudan's largest gold exporter.

Formalizing Power

In 2013, Hemedti asked for and received formal status as head of the new paramilitary group, answering only to Bashir.

Former militiamen were absorbed into the RSF, getting new uniforms, vehicles, and weapons.

Regional Ambitions

The RSF fought in Darfur, struggled in the Nuba Mountains, and accepted a contract to police the Libyan frontier.

Ostensibly curbing illicit migration, Hemedti's officers also engaged in corruption and human smuggling.

In 2015, Saudi Arabia and the UAE asked Sudanese troops for the Yemen conflict. Hemedti negotiated a separate deal to provide his fighters as contractors.

His ties with the UAE proved highly significant, marking the start of a close relationship with UAE officials.

Expanding Influence

Recruits trekked to RSF recruiting centers for cash payments of up to $6,000.

Hemedti struck a partnership with Russia's Wagner Group, receiving training in exchange for business arrangements, particularly in the gold trade.

He visited Moscow coincided with the day of the Ukraine war outbreak.

Turning on Allies

As protests grew, Bashir ordered Hemedti's units to the capital Khartoum, dubbing him himayti.

This backfired. In April 2019, when demonstrators called for change, Bashir instructed troops to shoot. Instead, the generals deposed him.

Initially, Hemedti was celebrated as a fresh face for Sudan. He attempted to rebrand, but that lasted only weeks.

Renewed Brutality

As the transition stalled, Hemedti deployed his forces, which killed hundreds, assaulted females, and allegedly drowned men in the Nile.

Hemedti has rejected that the RSF engaged in war crimes.

Under foreign pressure, the generals and civilians reached a deal, leading to an unstable coexistence for several years.

Ongoing War

As an investigation began examining military-owned companies, Burhan and Hemedti dismissed the civilians and seized power.

But they fell out. Burhan insisted the RSF come under army command. Hemedti refused.

Last year, RSF units attempted to seize strategic locations in Khartoum. The attempted putsch failed, and violence broke out across the city.

Violence exploded in Darfur, with the RSF launching brutal attacks against the Masalit people.

International organizations report up to 15,000 civilian deaths, with the American officials calling it ethnic cleansing.

Current Status

The RSF has acquired advanced arms, including military drones, used to strike army positions and crucial in the capture of el-Fasher.

Equipped thus, the RSF is in a deadlock with the Sudanese army.

Hemedti has created a rival administration, the so-called unity government, taking the chairmanship.

With the capture of al-Fasher, the RSF now controls the majority of populated areas in western Sudan.

Following reports of mass killings, Hemedti announced a probe into violations perpetrated by his soldiers.

Many believe Hemedti sees himself as president of a breakaway state or still aims to rule all of Sudan.

It's also possible, he may emerge as a behind-the-scenes power broker, controlling businesses, a mercenary army, and a political party.

While Hemedti's troops commit violence in el-Fasher, he appears confident of avoiding consequences in a world that does not care.